Verbal Chain – Slot System

Key

NF Non-Finite
V Verb
RDP Reduplicated Stem
PF Present-Future (stems with special Maru forms)
PL Plural (stems with special plural forms)
ABS Absolute marker (Non-Finite only)
PT Preterite marker (Non-Finite only)
F Future marker (Non-Finite only)

Order of Tags Specific to the Verbal Stem for MTAAC

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 7.
NF V RDP PF PL ABS
          PT
          F

Example: sub is the maru plural (PF.PL) form of verbal stem ĝen ‘to go’. Without prefixes, it is in the non-finite form; even when -ed is not written, maru forms of the stem are to be taken as being in the present future form of the non-finite (Zólyomi p. 91):

sub sub[go][-ed] NF.V.PF.PL.F

ba-zi

Example 1

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
ba-zi ba-zi ba-zig[rise][-ø] MID.V.3-SG-S

Example 2

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
ba-an-na-zi(*) ba-an-na-zi ba-nna-zig[rise][-ø] MID.3-SG-H.DAT.V.3-SG-S

(*) See Jagersma p. 386 for the occurrence in MVN 03 257 of lu2-{d}utu-ra ba-an-na-zi ‘dispersed for Lu-Utu,’ and for his analysis of the verbal chain. This line establishes the dative relationship of Animals PN1 ba-zi as it contains a written dative -ra. Such a relationship is also indicated by ba-an-na-zi: regardless of whether -ra marks the PN, the spelling ba-an-na-zi attests to a dative resumption.

szu ti

Example 1

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
PN.[e] szu ba-ti(*) szul-e2-du3-du3-e Szuledudu[1]-e PN.ERG
‘PN received’ szu szu[hand][-e] N.L3-NH
  ba-ti ba[-n]-teg[accept][-ø] MID.3-SG-H-A.V.3-SG-P

(*) For the reconstruction of a locative 3 and the nominal element of šu ti, see Zólyomi 2017, 158.

Example 2

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
PN1 + PN2 (or a group) szu ba-ab-ti(*) PN1 PN1[1][-e] PN.ERG
‘PN1 + PN2 received’ PN2 PN2[1][-e] PN.ERG
  szu szu[hand][-e] N.L3-NH
  ba-ab-ti ba-b-teg[accept][- ø]] MID.3-SG-NH-A.V.3-SG-P

(*) An example is found in P100281. While Slot 11 may be expected to contain the human final pronominal prefix n, Jagersma 2010, 103 explains that when two persons are the subject (or a group, as in P100281), the person marker is sometimes instead the non-human -b, tag: 3-SG-NH-A. For the reconstruction of a locative 3 and the nominal element of šu ti, see Zólyomi 2017, 158.

mu-ku

Example 1

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
active transitive, with ergative agent - usually MAT PN1 mu-ku      
MAT PN1[-e] mu-ku(*) mu-kux(DU) mu[-ni][-n]-kur[enter][-ø][-‘a] VEN.L1.3-SG-
‘PN1 delivered X’     H-A.V.3-SG-S.SUB

(*) That mu-ku was originally verbal is borne out in the examples of ED administrative texts given in Sallaberger 2000, 2.4.1. In example 5, the sequence MAT(materials) PN mu-ku represents an active state with PN as the ergative agent ‘PN delivered the materials’. For the analysis of the verbal chain and conventions of tagging, see Zólyomi 2017, 141 (195 and 196).

Example 2

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
active transitive, with ergative agent and dative participant      
usually MAT PN1[-e] PN2[-ra] mu-ku, or possibly, MAT PN1[-e] mu-ku PN2[-ra]      
MAT PN1[-e] PN2[-ra] mu-ku(*) mu-kux(DU) mu[-nna][-ni][-n]-kur[enter][-ø][-‘a] VEN.3-SG-H.DAT.L1.3-SG-
‘PN1 delivered X for PN2’     H-A.V.3-SG-S.SUB

(*) That mu-ku was originally verbal is borne out in the examples of ED administrative texts given in Sallaberger 2000, 2.4.1. In example 6, the sequence MAT(materials) PN1[-e] mu-ku PN2[-ra] represents an active transitive verb with PN1 as the agent (the supplier) and PN2 as the dative participant. This analysis is echoed in a recent translation of an Ur III administrative text which features a MAT PN1 mu-ku PN2 sequence, translated: ‘MAT (from) Ea-Bani; delivery (for) Sulgi-simtum’ (Liu 2015, 216 #2, AuOR 33). The ergative is reconstructed after re-verbalization. For the analysis of the verbal chain and conventions of tagging, see Zólyomi 2017, 141 (195 and 196).

Other Verbs: Finite

dug

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
bi2-in-du11(*) bi2-in-du11 b-i-n-dug[speak][-ø] 3-NH.L3.3-SG-H-A.V.3-SG-P

(*) For example, see P100065. The verb dug ‘to speak’ is here acting as a transitive verb, see example Zólyomi 2017, 215 (424). /b-i/ in slot 5 and 10 respectively can reference a verbal participant in locative 2 (Zólyomi 2017, 85). Note that while -i is sometimes mistakenly labelled L2, it is properly labeled L3 (Zólyomi 2010, 30 - although this is contradicted in several examples from the same work).

Other Verbs: Non-Finite

sug

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
su-su-dam(*) su-su-dam sug-sug[replace]-ed[-ø]-am V.NF.RDP.PF.ABS.COP-3-SG
example      
ki PN1-ta PN2      
‘from the account of PN1, PN2 will be repaid’      
variant      
ki PN1-ta PN2-e su-su-dam      
‘PN2 is to repay X from the account of PN1’      

(*) See example Jagersma 2010, 699 (133) for an analysis of su-su-dam. Both Jagersma and Zólyomi reconstruct a null marker before a copula (NFIN according to the former, see Jagsersma 299 (134), ABS according to the latter). For a translation of the example clause, see P111930. For the variant with ergative (which occurs in P100107 see Jagersma 2010, 700 (139). Despite the presence of an ergative, the verb is still a non-finite, the copula is intransitive.

du

Example 1

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
du(*) ‘will come/go’ du du[go][-ed] NF.V.PF.F

(*) Example text: P100148. This non-finite occurs in the CDLI corpus with the writings du and also du-a. Because du is the maru form of gen ‘to go,’ a present-future tense may be suspected for the form. Jagersma 2010, 627 indicates that all non-finite present-future forms are consistently marked with the -ed suffix, with the exception of the irregular verb du (-ed must therefore be reconstructed). See also Zólyomi p. 91, where he states that a present-future form will employ the maru form of the verb if there is one; therefore, the maru stem (PF) occurs in a non-finite present-future form (NF.V.PF.F). Jagersma 2010, 631 indicates that an ergative participant may or may not occur in these non-finite forms (when present there is an active sense, when absent there is a passive sense).

Example 2

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
PN1 PN2-da du ur-{gesz}gigir Urgigir[1][-e] PN.ERG
‘PN1 will come/go with PN2’ ra2-gaba-da ragaba[rider]-da N.COM
  du du[go][-ed] NF.V.PF.F

Example 3

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
kaskal PN SN-sze du-ni(*) kaskal kaskal[way][-sze] N.TERM
‘for the campaign, his going to SN’ ka5-a Ka’a[1] PN
  sukkal sukkal[secretary] N
  sa-bu-um{ki}-sze3 Sabum[1]-sze SN.TERM
  du-ni du[go][-ed]-ani NF.V.PF.F.3-SG-H-POSS

(*) Example from P100149. While some grammars may suggest nominalizing the entire sequence with a final -a, Zólyomi 2017 does not support a nominalizing -a. An attempt has been made here to understand this sequence in light of Zólyomi’s discussion of the nominal template on pages 37-38, especially text example 15, which features appositional noun phrases within the same nominal structure. Our sequence may be analyzed: P1kaskal-P5TERM P1PN1 P2sukkal P3[P1GN-sze P1du-P3ani]. It is not clear whether the inclusion of the non-finite is permissible, though it seems likely given Zólyomi 2017, 52 (32). For the reconstructed TERM after kaskal, see P100149 line r.5, where the terminative is actually written.

sa10 ‘will pay for/to pay for’

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
sa10-sa10-de3(*) sa10-sa10-de3 sa-sa[pay_for]-ed-e NF.V.RDP.F.DAT-NH

(*) For an analysis of similar verbal structures, see Zólyomi 2017, 100 (122), (123).

Compound Verbs

According to Zólyomi 2017, 226 the nominal element of a verbal compound is by default the patient of the verb (marked in the absolute case); however, written indicators sometimes exist that certain nominal elements were instead marked in the L3, L1, dative, terminative, or commitative cases. There is no rule to clarify this situation; each compound verb must be considered individually.(*)

(*) Karahashi 2000, 42–44 states that nominal element ki is usually in the locative -a, except ki ag2 which occurs with L3; the body part nouns used in compound verbs do not indicate case as a rule (p. 46).

Example 1

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
szu di-di(*) szu szu[hand][-ø] N.ABS
  di-di dug-dug[transform][-ed] NF.V.RDP.PF.F

(*) Example P100300. Must be interpreted as a present-future: Zolyomi 2017, 91 states that a present-future form will employ the maru form of the verb if there is one. Body-part nominal elements do not exhibit case indicators (Karahashi 2000, 46), the case here is assumed to be patient (Zólyomi 2017, 226).

Example 2

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
PN.[e] szu ba-ti(*) szul-e2-du3-du3-e Szuledudu[1]-e PN.ERG
‘PN received’ szu szu[hand][-e] N.L3-NH
  ba-ti ba[-n]-teg[accept][-ø] MID.3-SG-H-A.V.3-SG-P

(*) For the reconstruction of a locative 3 and the nominal element of šu ti, see Zólyomi 2017, 158.

Example 3

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
PN1 + PN2 (or a group) szu ba-ab-ti(*) PN1 PN1[1][-e] PN.ERG
‘PN1 + PN2 received’ PN2 PN2[1][-e] PN.ERG
  szu szu[hand][-e] N.L3-NH
  ba-ab-ti ba-b-teg[accept][- ø]] MID.3-SG-NH-A.V.3-SG-P

(*) An example is found in P100281. While Slot 11 may be expected to contain the human final pronominal prefix n, Jagersma 2010, 103 explains that when two persons are the subject (or a group as in P100281), the person marker is sometimes instead the non-human -b. For the reconstruction of a locative 3 and the nominal element of šu ti, see Zólyomi 2017, 158.

Example 4

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
szu gi4(*) szu szu[hand][-ø] N.ABS
  gi4 gi[repay][-ø] NF.V.ABS

(*) Text example: P100958. The case of the nominal element is so far uncertain, not specified in available analyses. The default absolute case is assumed (Zólyomi 2017, 226).

Conditional Clauses

tukumbi

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
tukumbi VERB(*) tukum-bi tukumbi[if] CNJ
  nu-la2 nu-[n]-la[weigh][-ø][-‘a] NEG.3-SG-NH-A.V.3-SG-P.SUB

(*) Note that, following Jagersma 2010, 690, verbs in the tukumbi conditional clause should be assumed to be in the hamtu, not maru form: “Conditional clauses with tukum-bé ‘if’ contain, as a rule, a verbal form in the perfective (and not the imperfective, as with u4-da) and are followed by a main clause with an imperfective or modal form.” The tag CNJ is listed at the bottom of the ETCSRI ‘Glossing’ page.

Copular Enclitics on Verbal Chains

Context FORM SEGM XPOSTAG
N Non-Finite-am(*) nam-erim2-be2 namerim[oath]-be[-ø] N.3-SG-NH-POSS.ABS
  ku5-ru-dam kur[cut]-ed[-ø]-am[-ø] NF.V.PF.ABS.COP-3-SG

(*) This clause is intransitive with the subject (‘oath’) marked in the absolute, see Jagersma 2010, 699. Jagersma tends to reconstruct a null marker before copulas, calling it NFIN; see Jagsersma 299 (134). Zólyomi reconstructs a null before copulas, calling its ABS: ø-am or ABS.COP-3-SG. On searching ETCSRI, of the 276 instances of the copula -am (search: COP-), 249 are marked as having a preceding ABS (search: N6=COP-). Note also, while Zólyomi’s 2017 grammar consistently reconstructs ø-am-ø (ABS.COP-3-SG-S), ETCSRI seems to reconstruct ø-am ABS.COP-3-SG instead.

##The Slot System Adapted from: Zolyomi 2017, table 6.1, 78-79 (S11-S15), 79-80 (S5-S10), 145-163 (S2-S5); “parsing” from ETCSRI.

SLOT 1

Negative particle (nu); modal prefix (ha); prefix of anteriority; stem (in imperative forms).

Notes – p. 237

  • finite marker i- assimilates with vowel of the negative particle -nu, resulting in a long ū
  • occasionally the vowel of -nu assimilates to a following syllable
  • before /ba/ the negative particle becomes -la

Notes – pp. 243-244

  • the finite -I contracts with modal ha to become he, written HE2
  • ha may indicate an epistemic ‘it is possible’ or – stronger – ‘it is a certainty’ (negated with /na(n)/ and /bara/ respectively)
  • ha may instead express the deontic modality ‘may he …’
  • intransitive verbs prefixed by ha occur in hamtu, transitive in the maru

Notes - p. 131

  • the prefix of anteriority -u indicates that a verb occurs prior to a second action in the sentence
  • vowel u may assimulate to the vowel of prefix -ni (but not -nni)
nu negative prefix NEG CF verbal stem STEM
ha modal1 prefix MOD1 CF plural verbal stem STEM-PL
u prefix of anteriority ANT CF reduplicate verbal stem STEM-RDP

SLOT 2

Finite-marker prefix; modal prefixes 2-7.

Notes - p. 145

  • finite marker -al only occurs when no other prefixes are between it and the verbal stem
  • finite markers occur only in front of verbal chains that would other otherwise start with a doubled consonant -mm or -nn
  • finite markers i and a may be lengthened to ii and aa in compensation for a syncopated vowel in S10 loc1 or loc2

Notes - p. 246

  • bara- (maru agreement) forms the negative of ga and strong ha ‘I will not’ and ‘absolutely not’ respectively

Notes - p. 247

  • -na(n) (maru agreement) negates deontic -ha and the imperative ‘may he not’ and ‘do not!’ respectively

Notes - p. 247

  • although dimly understood, non-negative -na and -ši both seem to indicate an affirmative epistemic, i.e. ‘he indeed did X’
ga modal2 MOD2 i finite marker FIN
nan modal3 MOD3 ii finite marker FIN-L1
bara modal4 MOD4 ii finite marker FIN-L2
nuš modal5 MOD5 a finite marker FIN
ši modal6 MOD6 aa finite marker FIN-L2
na modal7 MOD7 al finite-marker FIN

SLOT 3

Coordinator prefix.

Notes - p. 150

  • -nga coordinates the action, i.e ‘he did X and also X’
  • in negation, ‘he neither did X nor X’
nga coordinator COOR      

SLOT 4

Ventive (cislocative) prefix.

Notes - p. 152

  • -mu is reduced to -m before a vowel or before /b/
  • im-ma is i(FIN) m(VEN) b(3.SG.NH) a(DAT)

Two possible uses: i) p. 82, 151: -mu indicates motion towards event/speaker/speech event or addressee; ii) p. 81, 151: -m used to form the composite adverbial dative and loc2/loc3 prefixes for first person referent: in ma- the m functions as a 1PS pronominal while the a- is the dative (slot 6).

mu ventive VEN      
m ventive VEN      

SLOT 5

The middle prefix as well as the 3.SG.NH.

Notes - p. 156

  • middle voice prefix ba- indicates that the actions affect the subject or his interests

Notes - p.160

  • -ba may also mark a verb as passive
  • the prefix im-ma may break down to i(FIN) m(VEN) ba(MID)
  • -b: when slot 5 does not contain the middle prefix, it may house the initial pronominal prefix (IPP) /b/ (specifying the person, gender and number of the first in the sequence of adverbial prefixes
  • combines with S7-10 to form a compound adverbial prefix

Notes - p. 81

  • precludes S6 from occurring
ba middle prefix MID      
b 3-S-NH 3-NH      

SLOT 6

Initial Pronominal Prefix (=IPP) specifying the person, gender and number of the first in the sequence of adverbial prefixes; combines with S7-10 to form a compound adverbial prefix (i.e. nna = nn + dat. a).

Notes - p. 163

  • -nn 3PS is /nn/ before a vowel, /n/ before a consonant
  • 2PS is /-r/ before a vowel, e before a consonant
1 1PS IPP /’/ 1-SG nn 3PS IPP /nn/ or /n/ 3-SG-H
r 2PS IPP /r/ 2-SG mee 1P plur. IPP /mē/ 1-PL
e 2PS IPP /e/ 2-SG nnee 3P plur. IPP /nnē/ 3-PL

SLOT 7

Adverbial I: dative.

Notes - p. 80

  • dative -a always takes a pronominal prefix (S5-S6)

Notes - p. 167

  • a noun phrase in the dative is always accompanied by a cross reference in S7
  • when S7 is present, it precludes subsequent prefixes from taking a pronominal prefix (S5-S6)
  • typical graphemes used are: – MA (S6 1-SG + DAT) – RA (S6 2-SG + DAT) – NA (S6 3-SG-H + DAT) – BA or MA (S5 3-NH + DAT) – ME (S6 1P + DAT) – NE (S6 3=PL + DAT)
a dative prefix DAT      

SLOT 8

Adverbial II: commitative prefix.

Notes - p. 80-81

  • when S5 and S7 are absent, -da may take IPP - S6 to from a compound adverbial prefix

Notes - p. 173

  • presence of commitative in the nominal chain requires reflection in S8
  • it may assimilate with loc1 prefix becoming /di/ wr. TI
da commitative prefix COM      

SLOT 9

Adverbial III: ablative or terminative prefix.

Notes - p. 182

  • ablative -ta is wr. TA and occasionally RA (due to rhotacization)
  • an ablative is not resumed should the verbal participant be used adverbially
  • it applies only to non-human object — in the case of human participants, the construction ki PN-ak-ta is used

Notes - p. 185

  • -ta may also mark the instrumental ‘with/by means of’

Notes - p. 187

  • -ta may further function as adnominal ablative and serve to modify another noun in the sentence

Notes - p. 191

  • terminative -ši wr. ŠI, or under ‘vowel harmony’ with the next syllable, še wr. ŠE3

Notes - pp. 80-81

  • when S5 and S7-S8 (-ta and -ši) are absent, may take IPP - S6 to form a compound adverbial prefix
ta ablative prefix ABL
ši terminative prefix TERM
še terminative prefix TERM

SLOT 10

Adverbial IV: locative 1, locative2 or locative3 prefix.

Notes - pp. 80-81

  • when S5 and S7-S9 are absent, loc2/loc3 may combine with S5-S6 to form a compound adverbial prefix
  • loc1: reflects nominal case marker /’a/ — verbal prefix refers to 3S non-human participant only

Notes - p. 203

  • when S11 is empty it occurs in syncopated form -n
  • when S11 is occupied it occurs as -ni
  • loc1: indicates movement inside something
  • loc2: reflects nominal marker /ra/ (human) or /’a/ (non-human); refers to human and non-human participants; occurs as -i before consonant, /e/ after a vowel
  • S6 pronominal /nn/ can combine with loc2 to form the compound adverbial prefix -ni wr. NI (not to be confused with loc1)
  • when S11 is occupied syncopation reduces compounds to /n/ (human) and /b/ (non-human) — indicates movement above or on top of something, or movement to the top of someone or something
  • loc3: reflects nominal marker /ra/ (human) or /e/ (non-human) — refers to human and non-human participants — occurs as /i/ before consonant, /e/ after a vowel
  • forms compound -ni wr. NI with S6 and with S5 forms compound -bi wr. NE and transliterated bi2, variant wr. BI and transliterated be2 — indicates location next to someone/something, or a movement to someone/something
ni locative 1 L1 e locative 2 L2
ni locative 1 used as causative in OB LOC-OB ø syncopated locative 2 L2-SYN
n syncopated locative 1 L1-SYN i locative 3 L3
i locative 2 L2      

SLOT 11

Final Pronominal Prefix (=FPP); refers to agent or patient, depending on the tense, or locative3; will indicate tense and plurality.

Notes - p. 201

  • S11 will be empty if the verbal form is intransitive, if it is a non-human patient in the present future, or in verbal forms containing the modal prefix /ga/ which reference the non-human patient
1 1S final pron. prefix 1-SG-A n 1S pron. prefix in OB 1-SG-A-OB
e 2S final pron. prefix 2-SG-A b 3S non-H pron. prefix agent 3-SG-NH-A
n 3S final pron. prefix agent 3-SG-H-A b 3S non-H pron. prefix patient 3-SG-NH-P
n 3S final pron. prefix patient 3-SG-H-P b 3S non-H pron. prefix in L3 3-SG-NH-L3
n 3S final pron. prefix in LOC3 3-SG-H-L3 nnee 3P pron. prefix patient 3-PL-H-P

SLOT 12

The Verbal Stem.

CF verbal stem (df) V CF reduplicated verbal stem V.PL
CF present-future stem V-PF CF independent copula COP
CF plural verbal stem V.PL CF    

SLOT 13

Present-future marker -ed (in intransitive verbs).

ed present-future marker PF
en marks plurality of S or P PLEN

SLOT 14

Pronominal suffix (referring to Agent, Subject or Patient depending on the tense; will indicate tense and plurality).

Both P (object of transitive verb) and S (subject of intransitive verb) are in the absolutive, and are referenced with the same set of suffixes, SET B. In the tags below, 3-SG-S marks absolute (intransitive verb), 3-SG-P marks absolute (transitive verb).

  SLOT 11 SLOT 14  
  FPP SET A SET B
SG. 1 /’/ -/en/ -/en/
SG. 2 /e/ -/en/ -/en/
SG. 3 H /n/ -/e/ -/ ø/
SG. 3 NH /b/ -/e/ -/ ø/
PL. 1 - -/enden/ -/enden/
PL. 2 - -/enzen/ -/enzen/
PL. 3 /nnē/ -/enē/ -/eš/

From Zolyomi 2017 fig. 9.1:

en 1S agent suffix 1-SG-A enden 1P agent suffix 1-PL-A
en 1S subject suffix 1-SG-S enden 1P subject suffix 1-PL-S
en 1S patient suffix 1-SG-P enden 1P in transitive preterite 1-PL
en 2S agent suffix 2-SG-A enzen 2P agent suffix 2-PL-A
en 2S subject suffix 2-SG-S enzen 2P subject suffix 2-PL-S
en 2S subject suffix 2-SG-P enzen 2P in transitive preterite 2-PL
ø 3S h/nh subject suffix 3-SG-S eš 3P subject suffix 3-PL-S
ø 3S h/nh patient suffix 3-SG-P eš 3P patient suffix 3-PL-P
e 3S h/nh agent suffix 3-SG-A eš 3P in transitive preterite 3-PL
e 3S h/nh in subject in OB 3-SG-S-OB enee 3P agent suffix in present-future 3-PL-A

SLOT 15

Subordinator -‘a (changes finite verb into a subordinate clause which may then function as a relative or complement clause).

‘a subordinator SUB